Health Care’s Biggest Hypocrite — Or Hero

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For Democrats who see their political prospects this
year as a tossup between catastrophic and merely horrible, there is hope on the
horizon from a most unlikely source. No, not Rush Limbaugh, who recently praised
his medical experience in the government-mandated, heavily unionized health care
system of Hawaii. Mahalo to him.
One of the most prominent supporters of the main ideas
behind the health care plan passed by the Democratic Senate is a top Republican
prospect for president in 2012 — Mitt Romney.
He is not, of course, backing the Democrats. No, that
would be political suicide. But until recently, he proudly claimed paternity for
sweeping changes in Massachusetts that look an awful lot like Obamacare, as it
will be known for the next two election cycles.
For now, the public doesn’t have a clue about
Republican contributions to the biggest proposed change in American social
policy in a generation. No surprise. Not a single one voted for the Senate
bill.
Instead, the party’s voice has been dominated by
people who make things up, and then condemn the rhetorical phantoms of their
making. For that kind of skillful ventriloquism, Sarah Palin was recently
awarded the “Lie of the Year” from Politifact.com, the public policy
fact-checking service. She got a rare “Pants on Fire” designation for her
whopper about nonexistent death panels.
Too bad the Republicans don’t get more credit, because
they have done much to shape the bill — indirectly and inadvertently — mainly
through Romney.
Asked recently about the Democratic bill, Romney
dismissed it as something “which no one understands.” Au contraire, to use the
language Romney mastered during his Mormon missionary days in France. Perhaps no
one understands it better than Mitt Romney.
As governor of Massachusetts, Romney helped produce a
pioneering attempt at universal health care. The law, signed in 2006, bears a
remarkable resemblance to the Senate bill.
There is no public option. But there is a requirement
that nearly everyone get health insurance, or pay a tax
penalty.
Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney speaks about his health care reform
bill in 2005.Chitose Suzuki/Associated Press Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney
speaks about his health care reform bill in Boston on April 6, 2005.安全工程师考试 安全工程师考试试题 安全工程师考试报名 安全工程师考试时间 安全工程师考试内容 安全工程师考试试题 安全工程师考试成绩查询法律知识:法律知识热点 安全工程师法律知识热点 法律知识热点辅导 法律知识热点问题法律知识试题 安全工程师法律知识试题 法律知识试题及答案 法律知识试题下载 历年安全工程师法律知识试题 法律知识模拟试题 法律知识模拟试卷管理知识： 管理知识测试安全工程师管理知识 安全工程师管理知识试题安全工程师试题 安全工程师题及答案 安全工程师试题下载安全工程师模拟题 安全工程师模拟试卷生产技术：安全工程师生产技术指导 安全工程师生产技术技巧生产技术试题 安全工程师生产技术试题 安全工程师生产技术真题及答案生产技术模拟试题 安全工程师生产技术模拟题案例： 安全工程师案例 案例成绩查询案例试题 安全工程师案例试题 安全工程师案例试题及答案 安全工程师案例经验技巧安全工程师案例模拟试题

There are subsidies for the poor and middle class.
And there is a public exchange, where people who work at home or own small
businesses can have access to the same kind of insurance as big
corporations.
Critics in Massachusetts say Romneycare is costing
more than advertised. But according to the ex-governor, this heavy-handed
approach — using tax penalties more stinging than the Senate plan to prod the
uninsured — is working as it’s supposed to; the state is about 96 percent
insured. Take it from the man likely to be the Republican frontrunner in 2012:
“It’s a good model.”
Well, that was six months ago. At the time, it
appeared that Democrats were going to pass some kind of government alternative
to private insurance. So, Romney touted a different way — his state plan and the
approximate model adopted last month by the Senate.
“Republicans are not the party of ‘no’ when it comes
to health care reform,” Romney said in July. “This Republican is proud to be the
first governor to insure all his state’s citizens.”
He may not be so proud now. His critics on the right,
from American Spectator magazine to arch-rival Mike Huckabee, have taken aim at
this unwitting ally of the Democratic plan.
Other Republicans have helped the Democrats as well.
Remember John McCain’s health care plan? Okay, nobody does. But you can look it
up: he wanted to tax the premiums of people with so-called Cadillac coverage.
The Senate bill would do just that — although it’s not as radical and
income-redistributing as McCain’s proposal.
The sad thing about the broken state of our politics
is that good solutions, once they get branded by one party or the other, are
quickly dismissed by the rabid partisans who drive early election cycles and
dominate the airwaves.
If Romney had the guts to back his convictions, he
would proudly praise the Senate plan for doing most of what he urged last summer
and bequeathed to his state three years ago. But as Will Rogers said, if you
ever injected truth into politics, you’d have no politics.肺癌 肺癌知识 肺癌晚期 肺癌晚期存活时间 肺癌晚期治疗费用 肺癌症状 肺癌的症状 肺癌晚期症状 肺癌早期症状 肺癌的早期症状 肺癌常见症状 肺癌治疗 肺癌的治疗 肺癌的治疗方法 肺癌治疗药物 晚期肺癌的治疗偏方 肺癌的临床表现 肺癌晚期饮食 肺癌预防 肺癌的预防 肺癌病人吃什么好 肺癌传染吗 肺癌手术后的护理 肺癌治疗的偏方 有效治愈肺癌 治疗肺癌的药物 治疗肺癌的偏方 治疗肺癌最好的医院 治疗肺癌的新药 治疗肺癌的医院 治疗肺癌的中药 治疗肺癌的中草药 治疗肺癌最好的药 治疗肺癌最好的偏方 非小细胞肺癌 非小细胞肺癌治疗 非小细胞肺癌最佳治疗方案 非小细胞肺癌的治疗方案 小细胞肺癌 小细胞肺癌治疗 小细胞肺癌的治疗方案 肺癌晚期治疗 晚期肺癌治疗 肺癌治疗费用 肺癌治疗方案 肺癌治疗的最佳方案 肺癌患者吃什么 肺癌治疗新进展 肝癌 肝癌知识 肝癌晚期 肝癌晚期存活期 肝癌晚期治疗费用 肝癌治疗费用 肝癌手术治疗费用 肝癌传染吗 肝癌症状 肝癌的症状 肝癌早期症状 肝癌的早期症状 肝癌有哪些症状 肝癌晚期症状 肝癌晚期的症状有哪些 晚期肝癌的症状 常见的肝癌症状 肝癌常见症状 中期肝癌的症状 肝癌的临床表现 肝癌临床表现 肝癌治疗 肝癌的治疗 肝癌的治疗方法 肝癌治疗药物 肝癌治疗方法 治疗肝癌的偏方 治疗晚期肝癌的偏方 晚期肝癌的治疗偏方 治疗肝癌的药物 有效治愈肝癌 治疗肝癌最好的医院 治疗肝癌的医院 治疗肝癌的中药 治疗肝癌的中草药 治疗肝癌最好的偏方 肝癌治疗新进展 康复护理 肝癌晚期护理 肝癌手术后的护理 肝癌吃什么 肝癌患者吃什么好 肝癌饮食 肝癌预防 肝癌的预防 胃癌 胃癌知识 胃癌 什么是胃癌 胃癌的病因 得了胃癌怎么办 胃癌治疗费用 胃癌晚期治疗要多少钱 胃癌转移途径 胃癌晚期 胃癌晚期存活时间 胃癌晚期治疗费用 胃癌会传染吗 胃癌能治好吗 有效治愈胃癌 胃癌的治愈率 晚期胃癌的治疗偏方 胃癌症状 胃癌的症状 胃癌晚期症状 胃癌晚期的症状 晚期胃癌症状 晚期胃癌的症状 胃癌晚期的并发症 胃癌早期症状 早期胃癌症状 胃癌中期症状 胃癌临床表现 胃癌的临床症状 如何诊断胃癌 胃癌的诊断方法 胃癌的症状 胃癌治疗 胃癌的治疗 胃癌的治疗方法 胃癌治疗药物 治疗胃癌的新药 治疗胃癌最好的医院 治疗胃癌的医院 治疗胃癌最好的偏方 胃癌治疗偏方 治疗胃癌晚期的偏方 治疗胃癌的中药 治疗胃癌的西药 治疗胃癌的中草药 胃癌康复护理 胃癌手术后该吃什么 胃癌病人吃什么好 胃癌患者吃什么蔬菜好 胃癌吃什么 胃癌饮食 胃癌预防 胃癌会传染吗 胃癌的预防 胃癌预防　

In a few months, Romney will hit the road with a
book designed to compete with “Going Rogue,” Palin’s overstuffed mishmash of
platitudes and inaccuracies. He plans a 17-state “No Apology” tour, named for
the title of his tome: “No Apology: The Case for American Greatness.”
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One way to make good on that premise is to stand
by his ideas on health care, now part of the defining document of a Democratic
Congress in an election year.